Friday, September 29, 2006

Putin Discusses Energy Security With Neighbors

Russia takes on sensitive topics at Black Sea energy meeting

By Stephen Boykewich

The energy ministers of 11 countries met in Sochi on Wednesday to discuss sensitive topics including new pipelines and energy contracts, as President Vladimir Putin issued a warning against "unconscientious" investors."

The Black Sea region is an indispensable part of the global energy market... as a connecting link between Europe and Asia," Russian Energy Minister Viktor Khristenko said at the opening of the meeting of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation organization. Russia is chairing the BSEC this year in parallel with its chairmanship of the Group of Eight, for which it chose energy security as the main theme.

Ministers from the BSEC summit affirmed the importance of "energy security", which was a focus of this July's G8 summit in Saint Petersburg, but differences among the countries were evident. The conference came as Russia has alarmed foreign investors by threatening to withdraw permits for the 20-billion-dollar (15.8-billion-euro) Sakhalin-2 project in the Russian far east, citing environmental infractions by the companies involved in the project, including foreign firms.

Putin warned Wednesday that the government would take action against companies that were too slow in developing their projects. "I expect the (natural resources) ministry and the government as a whole to take such decisions, including as regards companies that work unconscientiously or do not fulfill license agreements," Putin said at a meeting with the minister for natural resources in the southern Russian city of Sochi. Russian officials also hammered foreign firms developing Sakhalin-2 at a separate energy industry conference in Sakhalin on Wednesday.

At the ministerial meeting in Sochi on Wednesday Khristenko told delegates that discussion would focus on plans to extend the Russian-Turkish Blue Stream gas pipeline, which he said had "proved its effectiveness both in financial terms and in terms of securing regional energy security." Russia and Turkey have clashed over Blue Stream since the pipeline came online in 2003, however, and delivery volumes have been growing at a slow pace amid price disputes and lower demand projections from Turkey.

Khristenko said Russia was considering expanding the pipeline to Israel and possibly to southern and central Europe, which analysts say would allow Russia to increase shipment volumes regardless of Turkish demand. The Russian minister also said "significant progress" had been made on the planned Burgas-Alexandropoulis oil pipeline, which Russia hopes will carry 30-35 million tonnes of oil per year to Europe.

Another potential point of conflict is an expected bilateral meeting between Khristenko and his Ukrainian counterpart Yury Boiko on a new gas supply contract. Energy relations between Russia and Ukraine have been tense since Russia cut natural gas supplies to its neighbor on January 1 during a price dispute, leading to supply shortfalls in Western Europe.

A Russian energy official earlier said that BSEC member state Greece was discussing a possible long-term natural gas supply contract with Russian state gas monopoly Gazprom from 2012 forward.

Numerous BSEC members are also at odds with Russia over the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), which supports market liberalization in energy transit and investment. Representatives of Armenia and Moldova stressed that support for ECT principles was key to regional energy security, while Russia, which has signed but not ratified the ECT, has said it needs revision.

The BSEC was formed in 1992 to coordinate the economic interests of Black Sea-region states such as Russia, Turkey and Ukraine. The group is one of several regional organizations embracing countries bordering the sea, and holds numerous annual ministerial meetings to coordinate the group's economic policies. Russia directs 30 percent of its gas exports to BSEC members. The group's main members are Russia, Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, Turkey and Ukraine.

Stephen Boykewich is a journalist with Agence France Presse

Thursday, September 28, 2006

Resource Nationalism Takes Hold in the Phillipines

Foreign oil producers put Arroyo on notice

By Karl Wilson

President Gloria Arroyo's decision to revoke a contract awarded to a foreign company for oil production in the Philippines has sent a shudder through the heart of the foreign investment community.

The president's executive order 556 effectively terminated Malaysian-based Mitra Energy Ltd's rights to take part in the development of oil deposits in the Camago-Malampaya field off western Palawan Island. "Mitra won the tender fair and square and at the stroke of a pen it was taken away. There was no warning and no explanation," one industry source who declined to be named told AFP. Oil exploration publication Upstream said the move was "understood to be due to pressure from influential Filipino business interests, which do not want the potentially lucrative projects to be awarded to a foreign company."

Mitra secured a preliminary agreement with a unit of Philippine National Oil Co (PNOC), PNOC Exploration Corp, which owns the Malampaya oil rights, on June 1 this year and the order was released on August 11 but backdated to June 17. " It sounds like the abrogation of an agreement," said Peter Wallace, a consultant for foreign multinational corporations with over 30 years of experience in the Philippines. He said investors were increasingly concerned about the "sanctity of contracts in this country", and there were unsubstantiated claims of one major foreign producer pulling out of a government deal since the Mitra order.

The order included a directive that bars PNOC and other government agencies from sub-contracting out work covering exploration, known as farm-in, or development, known as farm-out, in the Camago-Malampaya reservoir. It said all arrangements entered into by the PNOC "which violate this Executive Order shall be immediately discontinued or cancelled."

The executive order also caught PNOC and the Department of Energy by surprise as neither knew anything about it, analysts told AFP. Both declined to comment on the issue. And the unease was reflected by the French Chamber of Commerce, which wrote to trade and industry secretary Peter Favila, saying it would question the exclusion of PNOC and the Department of Energy from such a decision.

"We, the French Chamber of Commerce, are of the opinion that if indeed that was so, this occurrence would not help the establishment of confidence in the Philippine market which we have been trying to fight for."

Mitra spokesman Chris Whitmee told Agence France Presse : "We spent a great deal of time and upward of a million dollars preparing for this bid. Having it taken away from us without any explanation has taken us completely by surprise." He said total project cost was estimated at about 700 million dollars with recoverable reserves forecast at between 35 and 40 million barrels to be financed by a unit of British Petroleum and Standard Chartered Bank. Whitmee said his company had already lined up contracts with international vendors, with production due to begin towards the end of 2007.

"What we find particularly puzzling is the objection to farm-in, farm-out contracts. These are the energy sector's benchmark which all oil and gas companies use worldwide. Foreign governments and oil companies also use them to attract and obtain partners to join in either an exploration (farm-in) or development (farm-out) of a gas or oil field." Such agreements, he said, had stood the test of time worldwide for over 50 years and majors like Shell did a farm-out of 45 percent of the Malampaya gas field to Chevron, as Shell did not want to take the whole risk alone. He said to drill one oil well in Malampaya would cost more than 35 million dollars and Malampaya was not an easy area to drill as it sits at the bottom of 3,000 feet (1,000 metres) of water.

The size and costs were considered too small for the majors like Shell. "The big players don't look at anything under 200 million barrels," Whitmee said, adding that with oil well above 60 dollars a barrel, the Malampaya site was economically viable and within Mitra's capabilities.

Whitmee said Mitra had not given up on the project and was waiting for an explanation, while others in the industry are waiting to see how the government justifies its decision to rescind a contract after it had been awarded. "This is a tight-knit business," one industry source said. "When something like this happens, you have to think twice about investing here."

Karl Wilson is a journalist with Agence France Presse

Wednesday, September 27, 2006

Sharing the Wealth in the Struggle for Resources

Oil Companies are Split on Push by Nations for More Profits

by Steve LeVine, Bhushan Bahree and Gregory L. White

Oil-producing nations demanding contract concessions or seeking outright expropriations have created a split in the petroleum industry, with some companies insisting a contract is a contract and others saying they are willing to renegotiate some terms to reflect higher oil prices.

Oil companies have pushed back as developing countries have asked for a bigger share of what they regard as windfall profits from contracts negotiated during the days of $10-to-$20-a-barrel oil in the late 1990s. But senior executives of Chevron Corp. and France's Total SA last week publicly said that they are ready to consider giving more of the profits to the countries.

Royal Dutch Shell PLC and Exxon Mobil Corp. are among the companies still adhering to the tough public posture toward changes in contract terms. They are rejecting suggestions by Moscow that they alter early 1990s contracts under which they obtained rights to natural-gas fields in Russia's Far East. This week, Russia raised the pressure by revoking an environmental permit for Shell, threatening to halt the project.

It isn't clear whether the tough-guy or nice-guy approach will prevail, though both present significant risks. Ripping up agreements to give a bigger cut to oil-producing nations will hurt companies' bottom lines. But if oil companies don't comply and get booted out of oil fields, the impact could be bigger still.

Four years ago, Chevron, of San Ramon, Calif., temporarily shut down its Tengiz oil field in Kazakhstan rather than accede to what it called an attempt to violate the "sanctity" of the contract by the government levying hundreds of millions of dollars in new taxes. Chevron eventually agreed to pay $810 million in new taxes, but it fought the measure for several months and never acknowledged it had effectively agreed to altered contract terms.

Last week, Chevron Chief Executive David O'Reilly, addressing the issue of greater demands for renegotiation, told the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, "it is natural that governments seek a greater share of the economic pie in good times." He added: "However, it is very important that changes be carefully considered in the light of increasing costs, more sophisticated technology and the inevitability of a cyclical downturn in prices at some time in the future."

In another speech at the OPEC meeting, Christophe de Margerie, president of exploration and production at Total and its designated future CEO, said: "At $70 oil, there is room for renegotiation. But we have to be careful that it's a real negotiation and not new fiscal terms imposed on us."

Developing countries haven't been the only ones making demands. Last December, Britain raised taxes on North Sea oil and gas to 50% from 40%. And Congress has had hearings on boosting royalties from oil companies drilling in federally owned waters in the Gulf of Mexico.
The greatest pressure is coming from the developing countries. In a report issued Monday, Standard & Poor's Corp. cited six countries that have unilaterally increased royalties and taxes on oil revenue and profit this year. "In the end, what can the companies really do?" John Thieroff, the author of the report, said in an interview. "At the end of the day, you pay the taxes."

In April, Ecuador passed a law requiring oil companies to give back half their oil revenue above a benchmark price contained in their original contracts. Algeria is imposing a windfall tax on companies and now also wants its state-owned company to take a central role in oil and gas developments. Chad wants a 60% stake in oil deals. Venezuela, which has led the charge for concessions, has been raising taxes and royalties, and it is also requiring oil companies to give majority control of their fields to the state-owned oil company. Italy's Eni SpA and Total, which balked at the demand, have seen their fields in that country confiscated.

In Russia, the hardest-hit so far has been Shell's $20 billion project, known as Sakhalin-II. The Anglo-Dutch company has said environmental issues raised in the dispute don't constitute legal grounds for nullification of permits. Russian officials had said they wouldn't take unilateral moves in the Shell and Exxon cases, but they suggested the companies voluntarily subject themselves to Russia's regular tax system, which analysts say would take a bigger chunk of profits. Yesterday, Russia's Ministry of Natural Resources said it is considering canceling the license for Total's Kharyaga production-sharing agreement, claiming the field hasn't been adequately developed.

Exxon's project also has faced increased scrutiny from environmental regulators. Exxon, of Irving, Texas, has said that if it has to back out of the field, it would send the wrong signal to the market.

Dow Jones & Company, Inc.

Tuesday, September 26, 2006

The Global Security Equation Gets More Complex

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and China's Reach

By Rowan Callik

The recent annual meeting of the once obscure Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) illustrates how rapidly China’s influence is growing. The group’s members and observers, who include half the world's population, signaled at their summit in Shanghai on June 15-16, their determination to play a central role in international energy politics.

Russia's President Vladimir Putin urged the formation of "an SCO energy club" -- for it involves some of the biggest energy exporters and importers. The presidents of the members -- China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan -- also moved to develop the organization into a powerful military and economic force.

The observers included Iran's controversial President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who formally invited the energy ministers of the SCO to meet in Iran "to explore more effective ways of cooperating in the exploration, exploitation, transport and conversion of energy." The invitation is likely to be taken up, not least because Iran has become the third biggest supplier of oil to China.

India, an SCO observer like Iran, Pakistan and Mongolia, has recently been a major competitor with China for energy. It indicated a change in tack by sending its Petroleum and Gas Minister Murli Deora to the summit, and has decided to join China in bidding $US 2 billion together to develop oilfields in SCO member Kazakhstan. The Association of South East Asian Nations sent to the Shanghai summit its deputy secretary general, Wilfrido Villacorta, who spoke warmly of the relationship between China and ASEAN -- which was established 30 years ago in defense against communist, chiefly Chinese, incursions. Together, they have initiated the annual East Asia Summit, which excludes the US.

China is starting to dominate East and Southeast Asia. That is a theme of two important new pieces of research to come out of Australia: "ASEAN and East Asian International Relations" by David Martin Jones of Queensland University and Michael Smith of King's College London (published by Edward Elgar), and "The Paramount Power," a paper by former Australian diplomat and academic Milton Osborne for the Lowy Institute.

Martin Jones and Smith say that China is seeking "to re-establish an area of regional influence in the 'Nanyang' -- the southern ocean -- while guarding against separatist Islamic forces and pressure to democratize both from within and without, which impels it towards new authoritarian and anti-Islamic groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation."
Osborne says: "China has now assumed a position as the paramount regional power." China's "charm offensive," he says, gathered impetus after the end of the Cold War, and accelerated through the Asian financial crisis from 1997, which "gave it the opportunity to demonstrate its goodwill towards the south east Asian region," participating in major loans and refusing to devalue the yuan, thus seeming to stem the tide of currency collapses.

He says that "China's economic development, once seen as a threat by south east Asia, is now generally regarded as an opportunity," reflected in the substantial trade increase reinforced by a framework agreement on free trade with the ten members of ASEAN to come into full effect in 2010. China has trade deficits with many of those countries, which supply industrial parts it assembles.

On June 17, Premier Wen Jiabao set off for Egypt, Ghana, the Republic of Congo, Angola, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda. After visiting the USA in April, President Hu Jintao went on to Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya -- a trip as important for Chinese interests as the more awkward stay in America, with trade with Africa soaring to $US 40 billion last year. China has become determined, as it rapidly emerges as a great economic power, to ensure it boxes its weight on the international stage -- unlike its rival Japan.

When the Berlin Wall fell and the Cold War ended, Washington felt confident that the Pax Americana would swiftly become irreplaceable, that countries that courted prosperity must accommodate themselves to American values. The rise of Islamist terror is the factor that has most famously dented that confidence. But a trend that is quietly having a bigger impact on greater areas of the globe is the rise of China -- which is also offering prosperity, but is making few other demands beyond access to resources and the One China oath of loyalty.

Hu remains little known in the West. But since becoming Vice President five years ago, and then taking the top job -- leadership of the communist party -- two years later, his face has become familiar in the world beyond the West. He has visited in this time Iran, Syria, Jordan, Cyprus, Malaysia, Singapore, Russia, Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Thailand, Egypt, Gabon, Algeria, Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Uzbekistan, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Cuba, Brunei, Indonesia, the Philippines, Mexico, Vietnam, and both North and South Korea, as well as in April Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya.

China's leaders have in recent years visited Latin America more frequently than have US leaders, and China is now the second-biggest trading partner, after the US, of most of the continent. Mexico's leading academic on China, Romer Cornejo of the Colegio de Mexico, says the region is now listening more attentively to what China's leaders are saying because "they have a long-term plan for Latin America" -- including buying a bigger share of the commodities that traditionally go to the US.

In previous decades, China invoked Maoist ideology to champion what it viewed as downtrodden developing countries. Such rhetoric, such interest, was on the whole received politely but in a lukewarm way in the developing world. The big difference today, is that China is perceived to be rich. It wants to buy the developing world's commodities, and has the capacity to offer the rulers attractive rewards. China's popularity with Third World leaders hinges in part on its toleration of the behavior of its partners. Pol Pot set the pace, and since then no act appears to push any of its friends beyond the pale. Furthermore, the ideologically commendable, penurious old uncle has become the rich, friendly uncle.

Thus, regimes like that of Uzbekistan's feared President Islam Karimov, or of Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe, or of the Sudan, or of the generals who control Burma, are no longer frozen out of international contact. As long as their control is credible, they can be sure of a welcome in Beijing -- which has itself effectively opted against meaningful political reform, in part because of the praise showered by international business on the party's leaders for China's economic success.

Rowan Callik is a Beijing-based China correspondent of The Australian newspaper

Monday, September 25, 2006

The Big Security Picture - A Question of Balance

America is pursuing a grand design in Asia

By Daniel Twining

Asia’s strong states will shape the future of international politics more than the weak states and terrorists of Afghanistan, Iraq and Lebanon. But China’s continuing authoritarian rise, like Thailand’s descent into military dictatorship, suggests that the quality of democracy within Asian nations will be important in determining the course of the emerging Asian century.
Recognising this, the Bush administration – anticipating a future Chinese challenge to American primacy – is pursuing a grand design in Asia as ambitious as its campaign to transform the Middle East, and as bold in its use of military power and democratic values as strategic assets.

Conventional wisdom holds that the US is a status quo power in Asia – and that a dissatisfied China seeks to undermine the US-centric regional order. But this assumption inverts both countries’ roles in a period of dynamic change. China can rest content with the status quo: its rising wealth, power and influence naturally erode American preponderance. As one Chinese analyst put it: the US, not China, stands at a strategic crossroads as a consequence of China’s rise. That is why Washington – not Beijing – is pursuing the revolutionary design in Asia, cultivating new centres of power that will shape the emerging international order as much as China’s ascent.

The centrepiece of President George W. Bush’s Asia policy is encouraging Japan’s normalisation as a great military power – a historic break from Japan’s post-1945 tradition of pacifism. Similarly, Washington’s intensifying partnership with New Delhi reflects America’s determination to accelerate India’s rise to world power – and India’s aspirations for greatness. In India and Japan, the US is fuelling the strategic ascent of countries that intend to face China as equals. The US is also cultivating the emerging regional powers of Indonesia and Vietnam. Like India and Japan, they share a historical wariness of Chinese power and an interest in countering Chinese influence in south-east Asia.

Lastly, the US is nurturing a strategic community of democracies in the shadow of Chinese autocracy. America and Japan have formalised trilateral defence co-ordination with both Australia and South Korea and are exploring a trilateral strategic dialogue with India. America wants Nato to develop military interoperability with leading Asian democracies. America’s Asian design is more interesting than a crude effort to contain China. Rather than a neo-conservative plot to prolong US dominance, Washington is actually diffusing its preponderant power by encouraging the rise of friendly Asian partners to help manage a future multipolar order.

America’s strategy has costs. Japanese nationalism alarms neighbours such as South Korea, undermining Tokyo’s leadership ambitions. Australia is torn between its US military ally and its Chinese trading partner. US-India nuclear co-operation risks a countervailing effort by China to strengthen Pakistan’s nuclear deterrent. Closer US ties with Hanoi may empower Vietnam’s autocracy rather than encouraging its liberalisation. By fuelling Chinese insecurity, measures by America and its friends to hedge against a potential China threat may help bring it about.
China’s sponsorship of authoritarian leaders in Burma and North Korea demonstrates the risks of democratic rollback in Thailand – and the strategic importance to the Asia-Pacific democracies, led by America, Japan and India, of standing up for democracy in their backyard. Together, these powers should launch a campaign for democratic reform and renewal across Asia – starting in Bangkok.

The US must encourage Japan to resolve the controversy over the Yasukuni shrine honouring Japanese war criminals, in a way that makes Japan a more attractive partner to its neighbours. A US-South Korean free-trade agreement would help restore frayed relations with Seoul. Washington should abandon its scepticism and embrace Asian regional organisations led by the Association of South East Asian Nations, which promote pluralism, enhance Japanese and Indian leadership and socialise China as a responsible neighbour.

These steps would reassure the many Asian governments that, unlike countries in some other parts of the world, want more American leadership in their unsettled region – not less.

The writer, a former adviser to John McCain, the US senator, is a fellow of the German Marshall Fund of the US and the Fulbright/Oxford Scholar at Oxford University

The Financial Times Limited 2006

Friday, September 22, 2006

Nationalization Beat Goes On

Venezuela Seeks Control of Remaining Oil Ventures

By Angel Gonzales

As a final step to gaining complete control of its oil industry, Venezuela will by the end of the year seek a majority stake in three conventional exploration and production projects jointly held with foreign oil companies, oil minister Rafael Ramirez said Tuesday.

The transformation of "conventional oil exploration and production projects" into mixed companies controlled by the Venezuelan state oil giant is "still pending," said Ramirez at a conference of global energy executives and oil ministers in Vienna. "Once we complete that, we'll have accomplished our purpose of creating a new petroleum regime" that will reflect Venezuela's "oil sovereignty," Ramirez said.

The three high risk exploration contracts - Corocoro, Golfo de Paria Este and La Ceiba - were signed in 1997, when Petroleos de Venezuela S.A. (PVZ.YY) welcomed foreign investors to help augment the country's output. ConocoPhillips (COP), Eni Spa (ENI), Exxon Mobil Corp. (XOM) and Petro-Canada and other foreign companies are conducting exploration activities in these fields. Now the state oil company will take over a controlling stake of the operations just as it has assumed control of other sectors of the oil industry, although Ramirez didn't specify a time frame.

Venezuela, which has gradually reversed direction on foreign oil investment since leftist president Hugo Chavez assumed office in 1999, has already transformed operating service contracts into state-controlled joint ventures. In the process, it's securing a majority stake in four heavy oil projects in the Orinoco Belt. Ramirez told reporters on Monday that PdVSA would control the Orinoco projects "before the year is over." The transformation of the other high risk exploration contracts "will be ready too" before the end of the year, he said.

Despite the recent transformations, private foreign investment still has a place in Venezuela, the minister said. "Our oil sovereignty doesn't exclude the presence of private capital, as long as they respect our sovereign rights," he said. "We ask them to abstain from promoting the policies of consuming countries that have a yearning for their colonial or imperial past."

Under previous administrations, PdVSA aligned itself with the interests of consumer nations as it sought to become an international oil company, said Ramirez. When PdVSA acquired several U.S. refineries, the company signed supply contracts that heavily discounted Venezuelan oil. PdVSA will overhaul those contracts and adopt "a public pricing system," said Ramirez, as it continues to evaluate its foreign partnerships in the U.S.

The contracts are difficult to dismantle, as many were tied to securities issued by Citgo, PdVSA's refining arm in the U.S. Also, some partners "thought they had an acquired right" to the supply contracts, said Ramirez, referring to Citgo's partnership with Lyondell Chemical Co. at a Houston refinery. PdVSA recently sold its minority stake in the refinery to Lyondell.

"As we have shown with our sale of Lyondell, we won't allow these practical obstacles to become an excuse" to maintain the structures of the past, Ramirez said.

Dow Jones & Company, Inc.

Thursday, September 21, 2006

Great Game Under Way in the Caucasus

US looks to wean Georgia from Russian energy

by Joshua Kucera

The US government is pondering ways of breaking Georgia’s dependency on Russian gas and electricity. The US Department of Energy is working with a Tennessee-based think tank, the Howard H. Baker, Jr. Centre for Public Policy, to "discuss policy alternatives and define and eliminate barriers to investment in Georgia’s energy sector," said Lana Ekimoff, director of Russian and Eurasian affairs in the department’s Office of Policy and International Affairs.

"We expect this initiative to assist Georgia in designing a long-term energy sector development strategy that will enable them to achieve an acceptable level of energy security," Ekimoff said at a 25 July hearing of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia of the US House of Representatives’ International Relations Committee.

Georgia’s dependence on Russian energy supplies was highlighted in January, when two pipelines transporting gas from Russia to Georgia exploded, creating an energy crisis in Tbilisi and other cities. At the time, Georgian officials accused Russia of deliberately creating an energy shortage. Moscow denied the charge. "The political situation between Russia and Georgia does not allow for a reliable supply of gas and electricity and for more than a decade Georgians have not been able to supply heat and power to its citizens during the coldest parts of the winter," Ekimoff wrote in written testimony to the committee.

Ekimoff credited past US energy assistance to Georgia, which included helping plan the country’s energy budget and privatizing UEDC, the state electricity company, with helping to cushion the impact of the January energy crisis. "These measures in addition to further reforms were critical in alleviating the impact of the January crisis by facilitating the integration of emergency Azerbaijani gas and increasing the output of Georgian hydropower," she said. Her testimony did not mention that a fresh supply of Iranian gas was also a vital element in easing the January crisis.

The Georgia plan is part of a larger strategy outlined by US officials to encourage the development of the energy sectors of the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, while also increasing US influence in the region. Steven Mann, principal deputy secretary of state for South and Central Asian affairs, said Washington was now focused on the "second phase" of new energy routes out of Central Asia, now that the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and the Caspian Pipeline Consortium line are completed. The second phase, he said, was focused on increasing access of oil from Kazakhstan, a key US ally in the region, to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline.

The Kashagan field in Kazakhstan has proven reserves of nearly 30 bn barrels of oil, with the potential for close to 100 bn barrels, Mann said. Samuel Bodman, the US energy secretary, and Vice President Dick Cheney have both visited Astana in recent months for talks with Kazakhstani President Nursultan Nazarbayev on oil-and-gas issues. Mann also touched on a US plan to link up electricity producers in Central Asia with consumers in Afghanistan and South Asia. Another key US policy goal is sidelining Iran’s influence in the region. "We remain firmly opposed to any pipeline involving Iran," Mann said.

On the contentious question of how to delineate the oil and gas reserves of the Caspian Sea, Mann said that US policy was to support whatever solution the five nations bordering the sea come up with, and to offer technical and legal assistance to facilitate delineation. Mann said he blamed Tehran and Ashgabat for their inflexibility on the Caspian issue. "So far, regrettably, the northern part [of the sea] has had a delineation agreement but we’re not seeing that with Iran and Turkmenistan," he said.

Source: Eurasianet

Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Asia's Dependence on Russia in Doubt

Sakhalin dispute threatens Russia's Asian market

MOSCOW (AFP)

Russian government pressure on a Shell-led consortium developing vast oil and gas fields in the Pacific Ocean could set back Moscow's hopes of becoming a key energy exporter to Asia, observers have said.

“The possibility that the dispute could delay planned deliveries from the fields to Asia beyond 2008 is "the understatement of the year", said Adam Landes, energy expert at the Moscow-based Renaissance Capital investment bank. "To all extents and purposes the project is paralysed by the decision adopted yesterday. What the investors are facing is re-negotiation or paralysis," Landes said Tuesday.

On Monday, Russia revoked an environmental permit for the Sakhalin-2 project, halting work on natural gas infrastructure that is a key part of Moscow's plans to boost oil and gas exports to energy-hungry Asian markets. The 20-billion-dollar project (15.8-billion-euro) project is the largest foreign investment in Russia and the world's biggest privately funded energy venture. Russian authorities said obtaining a new permit could take six months or more and officials are calling for broader changes to the project's production sharing agreement (PSA) with the government.

Sakhalin Energy, which is 55 percent owned by Dutch-British oil giant Shell and 45 percent by the Japanese firms Mitsui and Mitsubishi, implicitly warned that Russian pressure could damage international links. "We will continue to work with the Russian authorities to resolve the issue and thereby maintain confidence of international customers in Japan, Korea and North America," the company said in a statement on Monday. However, revoking the permit "could be damaging for the project and for Russia and lead to delays in project development," the statement said. Sakhalin Energy, which is building Russia's first liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant off the island of Sakhalin in the Russian Far East, has already signed agreements to sell LNG to Japanese energy companies.

Increasing Russian energy links with Asia has been a key goal for President Vladimir Putin, who earlier this month said the share of oil and gas exports to Asia would rise from the current three percent to 30 percent within 15 years. But analysts say that figure is unrealistic because of a lack of infrastructure for pumping oil and gas to Asia and insufficient development of Russian oil and gas reserves in eastern Siberia. "It would require decisions sooner rather than later," said Stephen O'Sullivan, energy analyst at Deutsche UFG, referring specifically to an as yet undecided route on an oil pipeline planned to run across Siberia. "If you want to increase your market share in Asia... then you've got to realise that this region has other alternatives, like Middle East oil, Middle East LNG, Australian LNG," O'Sullivan said.

The Russian Far East has been seen as a safer and more reliable alternative to Middle East supplies by Japan, which is almost entirely reliant on energy imports and is interested in diversifying supplies as much as possible. But Japanese officials are now worried about Sakhalin, which is believed to hold oil and gas reserves equivalent to those in the North Sea. "The Japanese government is concerned that any delay in major projects of cooperation between Russia and Japan, such as the symbolic Sakhalin-2 project, can have negative effects on Russia-Japan ties in general," Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe told reporters on Tuesday.

Tuesday, September 19, 2006

Turning Point in History?

Urgent action needed to avert looming oil wars

By Michael Meacher

While the world’s attention is focused on the aftermath of the Israel- Hizbollah war, more far-reaching and dangerous threats to global security are growing dramatically. In July, Samuel Bodman, US energy secretary, said that for the foreseeable future “we’re going to see oil demand exceeding supply”.

The month before, Bill Clinton, former US president, raised the alarm that the world could be out of “recoverable oil” in 35-50 years, elevating the risk of “resource-based wars of all kinds”. Last November, Joe Lieberman, former vice-presidential candidate, warned efforts by the US and China to use imports to meet growing demand may escalate competition to something “as hot and dangerous” as the nuclear arms race between the US and the Soviet Union. Yet all this passes almost without mention in Britain.

The world is consuming about 84m barrels a day, but because of increasing demand from accelerating economic growth in China, India and other countries, the US Energy Information Administration recently forecast demand at 121m barrels a day by 2025. Yet a near-50 per cent increase in demand cannot be met in 20 years. As the head of exploration at Total recently said: “Numbers like 120m barrels per day will never be reached, never.”

First, the oil is not there. For the past decade the world has used some 24bn barrels a year, but has found on average fewer than 10bn barrels of new oil annually. Second, even if it were available, the cost implications are prohibitive. The World Energy Outlook 2005 estimated investment of $17,000bn would be needed to bring the oil to consumers: half again more than US gross domestic product. Third, the infrastructure does not exist to deliver it without unmanageable price spikes. Global spare production and refining capacity is virtually gone.

In the next 20 years, the west’s dependence on the key Gulf producers – Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates – will almost double, as their share of world oil production rises from one-quarter to almost half. With Russia and Venezuela, they are expected to be responsible for more than 60 per cent of world oil production by 2025. Already, production by non-Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries is nearing its peak and subsequent decline. When, by 2010, it cannot meet incremental demand, Opec will become less able to accommodate short-term fluctuations. Volatile price hikes will be inevitable and demand growth will have to be curtailed.

There are only three ways out of this looming crisis. One is “demand destruction”, which falling supply will to some extent enforce, but almost certainly too little, too late. A second route is to diversify out of fossil fuels and into renewable sources of energy and energy conservation. There are no signs that this is being pursued worldwide on the scale necessary. The third route, which is both short-sighted and counterproductive but the one being pursued at present, is to grab the lion’s share of ever-dwindling oil repositories.

General John Abizaid, commander of the US Central Command, told the House Appropriations Committee in March that American forces may need to stay in Iraq indefinitely because of the oil. In opposition, over the past year China, India, Russia and Iran have signed energy deals valued at some $500bn with one another and have begun creating a central Asian “energy club” that would have its own pipeline network and energy market. The Shanghai Co-operation Organisation not only includes China and Russia, but is about to invite Iran, India and Pakistan to be full members. The economic end-game is clearly to dilute US efforts to dominate the Caspian Sea’s energy reserves. The SCO is on track to become an organisation that challenges the geopolitical reach of the US.

The situation over gas is even more threatening. Deepening ties between Russia and Algeria are causing concern that the recent talks between Russia’s Gazprom and Sonatrach, the Algerian state energy company, could be the first step in the formation of a natural gas cartel. The dwindling number of supplier nations could encourage the formation of an Opec of gas. An alliance between the top three or four gas exporters – which would be much more effective than the oil Opec– is a nightmare for global markets.

This is a turning point in history. Never before has a resource as fundamental as oil faced rapid decline without a substitute in sight. The self-destructive strategy of cornering diminishing oil and gas supplies must urgently be switched to building a new world energy order based on a renewables and hydrogen economy, alongside energy conservation. If it is not, we risk a second Great Depression, rising military tensions and the prospect of big wars.

The writer is Labour MP for Oldham West in and Royton in the UK and a former environment minister. Published in Financial Times, 3 September 2006

Monday, September 18, 2006

Conflict over Natural Gas in Latin America

Brazil opposes new rules by Bolivia
Socialist Luis da Silva clashes with Radical Socialist Evo Morales

Brazil canceled a high-level meeting in Bolivia aimed at resolving an escalating dispute over how much control the Andean nation should assert over the Bolivian operations of Brazil's state-owned oil company.

Mines and Energy Minister Silas Rondeau and Petrobras chief executive Sergio Gabrielli backed away from plans to fly to the Bolivian capital on Friday after Bolivia's Ministry of Hydrocarbons unexpectedly set new conditions for international companies extracting gas and producing petroleum products. Petrobras said that under the rules announced Wednesday its Bolivian refining business would no longer be viable. Rondeau then decided to cancel the meeting and suggested rescheduling it for Oct. 9. — eight days after Brazil's presidential elections.

Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Silva was upset that negotiations "seemed headed toward a mutual understanding, and suddenly we were taken by surprise by this development," Rondeau said. Polls show Silva is expected to garner more than 50 percent of the vote, summarily beating his main challenger, the center-left former Sao Paulo state Gov. Geraldo Alckmin, and avoiding a runoff.

But the new wrinkle in the Brazil-Bolivia dispute gave Alckmin fresh political ammunition to attack Silva, and he accused him of being too cozy with Bolivian President Evo Morales, a strident leftist who took office in January. Alckmin said Lula should have acted more forcefully during the petroleum impasse to defend Brazil's interests and Petrobras' profits but was 'submissive, weak and omissive.' "President Lula would rather cuddle up with Bolivia," Alckmin told reporters in Sao Paulo.

It was not clear whether the rescheduled round of negotiations would occur in Brazil or Bolivia. The two nations also are involved in a long-standing dispute over how much Brazil should pay for Bolivian natural gas. Petrobras has two refineries that process 90 percent of the Bolivia's fossil fuels, and is also one of the largest natural gas players in Bolivia, which has South America's second largest reserves after Venezuela.

The new rules call for Petrobras to deposit all money from petroleum produced at the refineries into an account at the Bolivian Central Bank. Then the government will decide how much Petrobras will get. Complicating the issue, Bolivian Hydrocarbons Minister Andres Soliz Rada said Wednesday that Petrobras has already reaped more than enough profits from its Bolivian refineries for Bolivia to justify assuming a 50 percent stake in each one without paying. The rules did not contain language referring to Bolivia's frequently stated position that it plans to assume control of the refineries, but Bolivia's state-run news agency said Tuesday night that the government would do so.

Brazil and Bolivia have been feuding over the nationalization plan ever since Bolivian President Evo Morales announced it in May and sent troops to stand guard outside operations owned by Petrobras and other international petroleum companies. The dispute deepened a few weeks later, when Morales accused Petrobras of operating illegally in the country. Morales and Silva patched up the differences, but on-and-off negotiations have failed to determine the future of Petrobras' Bolivian operations and the price Brazil pays Bolivia for the gas.

Brazil gets about 50 percent of the natural gas it uses for power generation and fuel for cooking and cars from Bolivia. Petrobras, or Petroleo Brasileiro SA, has invested about US$1.5 billion (€1.2 billion) in Bolivian natural gas production since the mid-1990s, when Bolivia privatized the industry.

Petrobras shares were down 2.7 percent in late Thursday afternoon trading on Sao Paulo's Bovsepa exchange.

AP Business Writer Alan Clendenning contributed to this story from Sao Paulo, Brazil; Associated Press Writer Alvaro Zuazo contributed from La Paz, Bolivia

Friday, September 15, 2006

New International Pact and Body Needed

IAEA Chief ElBaradei Calls for Stronger Global Security Framework

Report from the International Atomic Energy Agency

With energy needs rising especially in poor countries, IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei has proposed developing a new global pact and an associated global energy body to address the challenge of global energy security. Dr. ElBaradei first made the proposal during the summit meeting of the Group of 8 (G8) leading industrialized countries this summer in St. Petersburg, Russia.

Global energy security means fulfilling the energy needs of all countries, Dr. ElBaradei said. At the summit, the G8 adopted an Action Plan identifying seven areas for enhancing global energy security, ranging from increasing stability of global markets to addressing climate change and sustainable development. The G8 leaders agreed that dynamic and sustainable development of our civilization depends on reliable access to energy. G8 countries include Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Russian Federation, United Kingdom, and the United States.

The key issue, he said, is how can these be implemented, i.e., to move from the expression of laudable intentions to real action. Dr. ElBaradei stressed the need for a comprehensive approach, which would:

(1) balance demand with energy supplies and associated technologies;

(2) create global approach of energy supply and distribution that would be equitable and grant universal access to affordable energy and transparent and functioning markets that serve both producers and consumers; as well as protect the environment; and

(3) include a system or framework to achieve all these and ensure every country´s basic needs are met.

Dr. ElBaradei believes such a framework, consisting of a global energy pact and associated international energy body would be able to address the seven key areas identified in the G8 plan of Action. Additionally, it would be able to address specific issues, including:

  • How much energy and in what form is needed globally, particularly in developing countries;
  • How best to address the need for robust comparative energy assessment leading to detailed concrete practical recommendations (energy mix, infrastructure) on a national and regional basis;
  • How to assist developing countries in building the internal capability (and capacity) to take energy matters in their own hands and how can the energy needs in developing countries be financed;
  • How best to ensure transparent, open and functioning competitive markets to address the needs of both producers and consumers; and
  • What R&D needs to be coordinated globally in addition to that undertaken by the private sector?

"There is no development without energy," the Director General said, "and without energy there is poverty, resentment and frustration - a fertile breeding ground for violence and extremism." He pointed out that 1.6 billion people still have no access to electricity and the grossly unequal access to energy between OECD countries (8,500 kWh per capita per year) on one extreme and Nigeria (148 kWh per capita per year) on the other end.

"Nuclear power is going through a rennaisance driven by energy demand, a quest for energy security, concern about climate change, and a sustained safety record over the past 20 years," Dr. ElBaradei said. "However, if nuclear power is to play a role as part of an energy mix, a new framework is needed to address multilateral approaches to the fuel cycle, assurance of supply and a better system to protect nuclear facilities and material".

The bottom line, Dr. ElBaradei said, is that "energy security no longer makes sense as a concept to be addressed in national terms".

Energy issues around the world today are dealt with in a fragmented manner, both in terms of geographical coverage and resources. For example, OPEC is limited to oil and in its membership; the European Energy Charter caters to Europe and some observers; UNESCO focuses on solar energy, and the Global Environment Facility (GEF) assists developing countries in renewables and energy efficiency.

Global structures charged with global oversight and monitoring exist in many key areas, among those: the World Health Organization (WHO) for health; the World Trade Organization (WTO) for trade; International Marine Organization (IMO) for marine transport; and Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) for agriculture. So why not in the energy area, the Director General asked.

Copyright 2003-2004, International Atomic Energy Agency

Thursday, September 14, 2006

Myth Busters for Energy Security

Energy fables: when fantasy confronts reality

By Charles Wolf, Jr.

Like the Harry Potter series, tales about energy security abound in myths. The difference is that in Harry's case the myths are taken for granted; in energy security, they are not.

While the energy mythology has been circulating for decades, it has been revitalized in recent months by a series of disparate and distracting events. These include: inflated oil prices (although the current price per barrel is about the same in real terms as that reached in 1982); China's and India's booming demand for oil making them respectively the second and fourth largest importers (the United States imports twice as much as China, and Japan is the third largest importer); the recently withdrawn offer by the China National Offshore Oil Company (CNOOC) to buy UNOCAL (a withdrawal due in part to indications conveyed ill recent energy legislation that the transaction would be a "threat" to U.S. energy security); and continued turmoil in the Middle East including the disappointingly slow revival of Iraq's oil exports.

One of the abiding myths about energy is that, because the earth's oil reserves are finite, these reserves will be exhausted at some point in the future. Moreover, by matching currently rising rates of consumption--especially the accelerating rates in China and India--with estimates of proven reserves, an approximate date can be estimated by which reserves will be exhausted. According to a former U.S. Secretary of Energy, the predicted date would be early in the twenty-first century.

This would be a compelling story if it were true, but in fact it is a canard. If and when the growth of oil consumption seriously depletes reserves, the cost of extracting oil (whether from shale, tar sands, or through tertiary recovery from buried crude deposits) will have assuredly risen to such a high level that non-fossil energy sources--nuclear, geothermal, hydro, wind, or biomass will be used in preference to oil and other fossil fuels remaining in the ground. The last few billion barrels of oil will remain in the ground because extracting them would cost more than they'd be worth.

A second fable in the energy mythology is that U.S. energy "independence" is both vital and attainable. The reality is that America's "dependence" on foreign sources of supply is ineluctable, a fact of life that can be mitigated, hedged, and cushioned, but not avoided. Even if the United States were to secure all its energy sources from oil and natural gas within North America--including oil from Canada's huge supplies of oil sands--it would remain "dependent" on the global oil market. Because oil is a homogeneous, fungible commodity, the economic law of a single price (after allowing for differences in transportation and insurance costs) must prevail absent barriers to trade. The degree of dependence does not translate into vulnerability.

Were the United States to embark on a policy of eliminating or even reducing imports of oil in an elusive quest for independence, it would be imposing on the American economy an extra burden whose weight would depend on the external market. If as a consequence of pursuing energy "independence," imported oil were available at a price below the domestic price, the magnitude of this burden would be the difference between the higher domestic price and the lower international price multiplied by the volume of total U.S. oil consumption. If the domestic oil price were below the world price, the American economy would be burdened by a similarly calculated opportunity cost of forgoing oil exports in its effort to avoid dependence on imported oil.

While dependence on the international market is unavoidable, this does not deny that continued research and development on competitive, less costly energy technologies and more efficient, non-gasoline powered and competitively priced automotive vehicles can be valuable. But formal independence of and insulation from the global oil market is a myth.

A third fable in the energy mythology focuses on "players" in the global energy arena who allegedly seek to "lock up" energy supplies by a variety of stratagems--for example, property acquisitions, pipeline construction, long-term purchase contracts, and so on--that will protect them from possible future energy "shocks." China is currently cast in this role, a bete noire whose prominence in the international energy market is seen in some circles as a potential "threat" to America's energy security.

There is an element of reality behind this mythical perception of China as a threat in the global oil market. As a major and rising importer, China's growing demand for oil boosts international oil and gas prices. But most of the imputed threat has been erroneously ascribed to China's activism in bidding for and acquiring oil and gas properties in Central Asia and Latin America, investing in pipeline construction, and negotiating long-term purchase contracts at stipulated prices.

The irony is that this part of the fable would actually have the opposite effect from what is ascribed to it: easing rather than raising future oil and gas prices facing the United States in international markets. The reality is that, as a large and growing energy consumer, China's efforts and interests in increasing oil and gas supplies help rather than hinder America's energy security! What the myth portrays as a "threat" is in reality a mutual interest that the United States and China share.

When the fantasy is confronted by reality, policy issues may appear in a different light. For example, if tax incentives are offered to encourage exploration and development of potential fossil fuel supplies, whether these potential supplies are located within the U.S. boundaries or outside should be a distinctly secondary consideration compared with their prospective net yield. U.S. energy security depends on the costs of energy supplies, not on their location. Higher-cost supplies available within U.S. geographic limits contribute less to U.S. energy security than lower cost supplies generated outside U.S. geographic limits.

China's "lock-in," long-term contracts for future delivery of oil at stipulated prices may or may not be soundly based depending on whether one expects future prices to be higher or lower than the stipulated prices. But quite apart from U.S. energy security, such efforts by China may conflict with other security interests of the United States. For example, oil contracts concluded by China that may assure Iran of extra earnings may be sharply adverse to U.S. interests in nuclear non-proliferation.

One of the abiding myths about energy is that, because the earth's oil reserves are finite, these preserves will be exhausted at some point in the future. Moreover, by matching currently rising rates of consumption--especially the accelerating rates in China and India--with estimates of proven reserves, an approximate date can be estimated by which reserves will be exhausted. According to a former U.S. Secretary of Energy, the predicted date would be early in the twenty-first century.

This would be a compelling story if it were true, but in fact it is a canard. If and when the growth of oil consumption seriously depletes reserves, the cost of extracting oil (whether from shale, tar sands. or through tertiary recovery from buried crude deposits) will have assuredly risen to such a high level that non-fossil energy sources--nuclear, geothermal, hydro, wind, or biomass--will be used in preference to oil and other fossil fuels remaining in the ground. The last few billion barrels of oil will remain in the ground because extracting them would cost more than they'd be worth.

Charles Wolf Jr., is senior economic adviser and corporate fellow in international economies at the RAND Corporation, and a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution.

Copyright 2005 International Economy Publications, Inc.

Wednesday, September 13, 2006

Apocalypse Yesterday?

Peak oil panic:

Is the planet running out of gas?
If it is, what should the Bush administration do about it?

by Ronald Bailey

The Princeton geologist Ken Deffeyes warns that the imminent peak of global oil production will result in "war, famine, pestilence and death" Deffeyes, author of 2001's Hubbert's Peak: The Impending World Oil Shortage and 2005's Beyond Oil: The View from Hubbert's Peak, predicted that the peak of global oil production would occur this past Thanksgiving.

Deffeyes isn't alone. The Houston investment banker Matthew Simmons claims in his 2005 book Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy, that the Saudis are lying about the size of their reserves and that they are really running on empty; last September he announced that "we could be looking at $10-a-gallon gas this winter." Colin Campbell, a former petroleum geologist who is now a trustee of the U.K.-based Oil Depletion Analysis Centre, warned way back in 2002 that we were headed for peak oil production, and that this would lead to "war, starvation, economic recession, possibly even the extinction of homo sapiens."

In his 2004 book Out of Gas: The End of the Age of Oil, the Caltech physicist David Goodstein wrote that the peak of world production is imminent and that "we can, all too easily, envision a dying civilization, the landscape littered with the rusting hulks of SUVS." Jim Motavalli, editor of the environmentalist magazine E, writes in the January February 2006 issue, "It is impossible to escape the conclusion that we're steaming full speed ahead into a train wreck of monumental proportions."

And James Schlesinger, the country's first secretary of energy, declared in the Winter 2005-06 issue of the neoconservative foreign policy journal The National Interest that "a growing consensus accepts that the peak is not that far off." He added, "The inability readily to expand the supply of oil, given rising demand, will in the future impose a severe economic shock."

Even some traditionally calm voices are starting to sound panicky. In March 2005, the New York investment bank Goldman Sachs issued a report suggesting that oil prices would experience a "super spike" in 2006, reaching up to $105 per barrel. ChevronTexaco's willyoujoinus.com campaign, featuring a series of full-page newspaper ads that urge Americans to conserve energy, flatly declares, "The era of easy oil is over."

The good news is that the peak oil doomsters are probably wrong that world oil production is about to decline forever. Most analysts believe that world petroleum supplies will meet projected demand at reasonable prices for at least another generation. The bad news is that much of the world's oil reserves are in the custody of unstable and sometimes hostile regimes. But the oil producing nations would be the ultimate losers if they provoked an "oil crisis," since that would spur industrialized countries to cut back on imports and develop alternative energy technologies.

Apocalypse Yesterday

Predictions of imminent catastrophic depletion are almost as old as the oil industry. An 1855 advertisement for Kier's Rock Oil, a patent medicine whose key ingredient was petroleum bubbling up from salt wells near Pittsburgh, urged customers to buy soon before "this wonderful product is depleted from Nature's laboratory" The ad appeared four years before Pennsylvania's first oil well was drilled. In 1919 David White of the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) predicted that world oil production would peak in nine years. And in 1943 the Standard Oil geologist Wallace Pratt calculated that the world would ultimately produce 600 billion barrels of oil. (In fact, more than 1 trillion barrels of oil had been pumped by 2006.)

During the 1970s, the Club of Rome report The Limits to Growth projected that, assuming consumption remained flat, all known oil reserves would be entirely consumed in just 31 years. With exponential growth in consumption, it added, all the known oil reserves would be consumed in 20 years. These dour predictions gained credibility when the Arab oil crisis of 1973 quadrupled prices from $3 to $12 per barrel (from $16 to $48 in 2006 dollars) and when the Iranian oil crisis more than doubled oil prices from $14 per barrel in 1978 to $35 per barrel by 1981 (from $45 to $98 in 2006 dollars).

In response, the federal government imposed price controls on oil and gas in the 1970s and established fuel economy standards to encourage the sale of more efficient automobiles. The sense of doom did not dissolve. In 1979 Energy Secretary Schlesinger proclaimed, "The energy future is bleak and is likely to grow bleaker in the decade ahead." The Global 2000 Report to President Carter, issued in 1980, predicted that the price of oil would rise by 50 percent, reaching $100 per barrel by 2000.

Most of today's petro-doomsters base their forecasts on the work of the geologist M. King Hubbert, who correctly predicted in 1956 that U.S. domestic oil production in the lower 48 states would peak around 1970 and begin to decline. In 1969 Hubbert predicted that world oil production would peak around 2000.

Hubbert argued that oil production grows until half the recoverable resources in a field have been extracted, after which production falls off at the same rate at which it expanded. This theory suggests a bell-shaped curve rising from first discovery to peak and descending to depletion. Hubbert calculated that peak oil production follows peak oil discovery with a time lag. Globally, discoveries of new oil fields peaked in 1962. The time lag between peak global discoveries and peak production was estimated to be around 32 years, but peak oilers claim that the two oil crises of the 1970s reduced consumption and thereby delayed the peak until now. Hubbert's modern disciples argue that humanity has now used up half of the world's ultimately recoverable reserves of oil, which means we are at or over the peak.

The prophets of oily doom are opposed by preachers of energy abundance. Chief among the latter is the energy economist Michael Lynch, president of the Massachusetts-based Global Petroleum Service consultancy. "Colin Campbell has the worst forecasting record on oil supply," says Lynch, "and that's saying a lot." He points out that in a 1989 article for the journal Noroil, Campbell claimed the peak of world oil production had already passed and incorrectly predicted that oil would soon cost $30 to $50 a barrel. As for Matthew Simmons, Lynch dismisses him with a sneer: "Petroleum engineers know a lot more about petroleum engineering than a Harvard MBA."

One petroleum engineer--Michael Economides of the University of Houston--calls peak oil predictions "the figments of the imaginations of born-again pessimist geologists." Like Lynch, Economides, who worked in Russia to boost that country's oil production in the last decade, rejects Simmons' analysis. Saudi Arabia, which currently produces about 10 million barrels of oil a day, "is underproducing every one of their wells," he claims. "I can produce 20 million barrels of oil in Saudi Arabia."

The Tank Is Still More Than Half Full

So who's right? Fortunately, it looks like humanity is at least a generation away from peak oil production. Unfortunately, there could be another "oil crisis" any day now.

The world consumes about 87 million barrels of oil per day, or nearly 30 billion barrels of oil per year. How much oil is left? It's hard to be sure. Proven oil reserves--i.e., oil that is recoverable under current economic and operating conditions--are estimated to be 1.1 trillion barrels by the industry journal World Oil, 1.2 trillion by the oil company BP, and 1.3 trillion by the Oil and Gas Journal. In March 2005 the private U.K.-based energy consultancy IHS Energy estimated that the world's remaining recoverable reserves, excluding unconventional sources such as heavy oil or tar sands, are between 1.3 trillion and 2.4 trillion barrels.

But are proven reserves all that's left? Several analyses put ultimate reserves at much higher levels. For example, the USGS undertook a comprehensive analysis of world oil reserves in 2000. It calculated that the total world endowment of recoverable oil is 3 trillion barrels. (Its figure is higher because it includes estimates for undiscovered resources and projected increases in already producing fields.) In addition, the total world endowment of natural gas is equivalent to 2.6 trillion barrels of oil, plus 330 billion barrels of natural gas liquids such as propane and butane. The USGS figures that the total world endowment of conventional oil resources is equivalent to about 5.9 trillion barrels of oil. Proven reserves of oil, gas, and natural gas liquids are equivalent to 2 trillion barrels of oil. The USGS calculates that humanity has already consumed about I trillion barrels of oil equivalent, which means 82 percent of the world's endowment of oil and gas resources remains to be used.

In its 2005 Energy Outlook, ExxonMobil estimates "global conventional oil resources total 3.2 trillion barrels ... with non-conventional 'frontier' resources such as heavy oil bringing that total to over 4 trillion barrels." In November 2005, the International Energy Agency, an organization created in 1974 by 26 industrialized countries to assess global energy issues, released its annual World Energy Outlook report, which accepted the USGS numbers and concluded that "the world's energy resources are adequate to meet projected growth in energy demand" until at least 2030. The report predicted that oil production would grow from the 2004 level of 82 million barrels a day to 115 million barrels a day and that any "peak" would occur after 2030. It suggested that world oil prices will decline to around $35 per barrel (in 2004 dollars) by 2010 and eventually rise to $39 per barrel by 2030. At the Montreal Climate Change Conference in December, Claude Mandil, head of the International Energy Agency, declared: "We don't share the tenets of the peak oil theory. We feel that they underestimate technological developments. For many decades to come there is no geological problem."

Probably the most respected private oil consultancy in the world is Cambridge Energy Research Associates (CERA) in Boston. On December 7, 2005, CERA senior consultant Robert W. Esser testified at a House Energy and Air Quality Subcommittee hearing on the peak oil theory. "CERA's belief is that the world is not running out of oil imminently or in the near to medium term," Esser said. "Indeed, CERA projects that world oil production capacity has the potential to rise from 87 million barrels per day [mbd] in 2005 to as much as 108 mbd by 2015.... We see no evidence to suggest a peak before 2020, nor do we see a transparent and technically sound analysis from another source that justifies belief in an imminent peak" Instead of a sharp peak followed by a production decline, CERA's analysts foresee an "undulating plateau" in which global oil production remains more or less steady. "It will be a number of decades into this century before we get to an inflection point that will herald the arrival of the undulating plateau," said Esser.

Peak oilers discount these rosy scenarios, insisting the relevant fact is that new oil discoveries have been falling during the last couple of decades. But the petroleum optimists, such as the analysts at the USGS, say there is more to it than that. They point out that reserve growth and new discoveries have been outpacing oil consumption. (Reserve growth is the increase in production in already discovered and developed fields.) From 1995 and 2003 the world consumed 236 billion barrels of oil. It also saw reserve growth of 175 billion barrels, combined with 138 billion barrels from new discoveries, added a total of 313 billion barrels to the world's proven oil reserves. In the U.S., oil field reserves typically turn out to be four to nine times as high as the original estimates. The increase in production is a result of improved recovery technologies, further discoveries in the field, and improved field management.

Consider the Kern River field in California, which was discovered in 1899. In 1942 it was estimated that only 54 million barrels remained to be produced there. During the next 44 years the field produced 736 million barrels and had another 970 million barrels remaining. For geological reasons, petroleum engineers cannot pump every drop of oil out of a reservoir. But by 2004 technological advances enabled them to recover 35 percent of a conventional reservoir's oil, up from an average of 22 percent in 1980. If this recovery factor can be increased by another five percentage points, that would boost worldwide recoverable reserves by more than all of Saudi Arabia's current proven reserves. Economides points out that in 1976 the U.S. was estimated to have 23 billion barrels of reserves remaining. In 2005 it still had 23 billion barrels of oil reserves, even though American oil fields produced almost 40 billion barrels of oil between 1976 and 2005.

Matthew Simmons claims to have found that the Saudis are greatly exaggerating the size of their reserves. If true, this is bad news, because the Saudis have more than 30 percent of the world's reserves and have served as the world's supplier of last resort for a couple of decades. Simmons argues that the Saudis and others are exaggerating what they have because the supply quotas set by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) were tied to the size of a country's reserves--the bigger its reserves, the more oil it was permitted to sell. But the desire to boost quotas cannot account for the fact that non-OPEC reserves grew nearly three times faster than OPEC reserves between 1981 and 1996. And whatever incentive OPEC members had to lie about their reserves should have dissipated as the price of oil rose during the last couple of years. Economides notes that the Saudis are investing $100 billion in new production projects, which undercuts the notion that they know they are running out of oil.

At a November meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations, chief International Energy Agency economist Fatih Birol responded to the assertion that Saudi Arabia can't raise its oil production by outlining a scenario in which he assumed that Saudi oil reserves were 35 percent lower than claimed. Birol noted that experts believe forcing water into reserves to maintain pressure would raise the cost of producing oil by 70 percent at most. In his analysis, Birol assumed it would raise the cost by 300 percent. Considering that it costs about $1.50 to produce a barrel of Saudi crude oil, that means the cost would rise to $6 per barrel. Even with these two assumptions, Birol argues the Saudis could easily produce 18 million barrels of oil per day by 2020, up from the current level of around 10 million.

So if the world has adequate oil supplies for the next generation, can we all go back to driving Hummers? Not so fast.

The Real Oil Crisis

Simmons has been wrong so far: Gasoline does not cost $10 a gallon. Oil prices hovered between $55 and $65 per barrel in late 2005 and early 2006, down from $70 in September 2005. The U.S. Energy Information Administration believes gasoline prices will remain below $3 per gallon in 2006.

What about the future? The International Energy Agency calculates that $3 trillion must be invested in oil production and refining facilities during the next 25 years to meet world demand in 2030. In principle that target could easily be met, since producing 1 trillion barrels at $30 per barrel yields $30 trillion in income over 25 years.

The problem is that the vast majority of the world's remaining oil reserves are not possessed by private enterprises. Seventy-seven percent of known reserves belong to government-owned companies. That means oil will be produced with all the efficiency associated with central planning. Michael Economides estimates, for example, that it will take $4 billion in investment to keep Venezuela's oil production at current levels. Yet that country's Castro-wannabe president, Hugo Chavez, is investing just half that.

If ChevronTexaco, ExxonMobil, or other private companies actually owned the reserves, the world would be in a much more secure position with regard to oil production. Instead, we are subject to the whims of figures like Chavez, Russia's Vladimir Putin, and Iran's Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and must worry about the doubtful stability of their personalities and regimes. (To be sure, even a private reserve under such a regime would face the constant threat of nationalization or other interference.) In the mid-1990s, the world had more than 10 million barrels per day of spare production capacity. That figure has fallen to between 1 and 2 million barrels, which means that any significant disruption in supplies can cause prices to soar.

Economides worries that the conventional wisdom that oil-producing countries do not want to cause a global economic recession is wrong. "The danger posed by the axis of energy militants--Venezuela, Iran, and, increasingly, Russia under President Vladimir Putin--is that they could not care less," he says. "These militants hardly have functioning real economies whose workings would be adversely affected by a recession." Economides' views looked prophetic when oil prices jumped to a three-and-half-month high after Iran's threat in January to retaliate against any United Nations sanctions imposed to curb its nuclear ambitions by cutting its oil exports.

Despite the recent jump in oil prices, the world's economy has not slowed down. Why not? Goldman Sachs notes that oil is less important than it was a generation ago. At the height of the Iranian oil crisis in 1980-81, paying for gasoline took up 4.5 percent of U.S. GDP and 7.2 percent of U.S. consumer expenditures. In 2005, even though U.S. gas prices peaked at $3.07 per gallon after Hurricane Katrina, only 2.6 percent of GDP went to pay for gas and consumers spent only 3.7 percent of their incomes to fuel their cars and SUVs. Goldman Sachs believes gasoline prices would need to exceed $4 per gallon before consumers really started to cut back.

As the oil crisis of the 1970s demonstrated, while the demand for oil is inelastic in the short run, consumers do eventually adjust to higher prices. U.S. oil consumption declined by 13 percent between 1973 and 1983. According to Frederick Cedoz, vice president of the D.C.-based energy and political risk consulting group Global Water and Energy Strategy Team, "We get three times more GDP out of a barrel of oil than we did in the 1970s."

The higher prices of the 1970s led eventually to an oil glut and prices below $10 a barrel by 1986. Should one or more of the "energy militants" choose to deploy the "oil weapon" again, they will cause considerable economic pain to the developed countries. But detonating the oil weapon would end up disarming the energy militants for a generation, after consumer cutbacks produce a new glut.

Oil War Hawks

Unfortunately, you don't have to go to Iran, Russia, or Venezuela to find energy militants. We have some homegrown ones right here in America, and they think the world is already in the opening stages of a global energy war. Last July, the conservative Heritage Foundation in Washington, D.C., assembled some of the scariest American oil war hawks for a program called "The Coming Energy Wars: A 21st Century Time Bomb?"

All the participants apparently accept the idea that world oil supplies are about to decline, and they all share a zero-sum view of natural resources. According to the Heritage panelists, the chief villain in the coming energy wars is China. Referring to China as the "Thirsty Dragon," Cedoz warned, "China wants to lock up supplies at the wellhead with long-term purchase contracts." He darkly pointed to Chinese negotiations over oil supplies in Sudan, Ecuador, and Colombia. (Actually, if the Chinese sign up for long-term contracts, that would encourage producers to invest more in production. That would benefit all consumers, not just the Chinese.)

Refurbished cold warrior Frank Gaffney, president of the Center for Security Policy, opposed the $18.5 billion bid by the China National Offshore Oil Corporation for the California-based oil company Unocal last year. "It's a very ill-advised transaction," said Gaffney. "It's not in our interests to turn over more of our finite resources to others. They should be taken off the market." Our finite resources? Seventy percent of Unocal's reserves and production are located in East Asia and the Caspian Sea region.

The Chinese company withdrew its bid after a number of congressmen promised to outlaw the sale. But Gaffney isn't breathing easier. China's oil grab, he announced, "is only part of a larger plan to deny us strategic minerals, strategic choke points, and strategic regions. Their purpose is to deny the U.S. a dominant role in the world and if necessary to defeat us."

Ilan Berman, vice president for policy at the American Foreign Policy Council, regretted that "energy is not viewed through a national security prism. We should be competing to lock up supplies and diversifying and exploring new technologies." Berman argued that as resources become scarcer there is no way to avoid a zero-sum game. "We have to approach this through the lens of the haves and have-nots," he declared.

One dissenting voice at the Heritage Foundation session was Harvey Feldman, a former ambassador to Papua New Guinea and an East Asian specialist. "Berman is suggesting that we change from a paradigm of relying on the market," said Feldman. "OK, we're going to be in competition with the British, Japanese, French, Germans, Indians, and everybody else. Is this really in the interest of the United States?" Given that most of the experts in the oil business don't think the world is about to run out of oil, this is one time to hope that President Bush is listening to his buddies in the oil industry.

Instead of preparing for an energy war, the best policy is to let markets have free rein. Even if, say, the Iranians make the political decision to disrupt the flow of oil to world markets, those markets left to themselves will eventually discipline them. The temporarily higher prices will encourage more exploration and technological advances, which will bring energy prices back down. On the day of his inauguration in 1981, President Ronald Reagan lifted oil price controls. Five years later oil prices fell below $10 a barrel.

One day, the oil age will end. As with all resources, there is ultimately a finite supply of oil. So it is not yet clear how the world will power itself for the bulk of the coming century. But we have at least another three decades to find alternatives to petroleum. "Trusting markets is the only way we can assure energy abundance in the future," notes the University of Houston's Economides. "It's also the only way that we will ever transition to something other than oil and gas."

Ronald Bailey is Reason magazine's science correspondent, and author of Liberation Biology: The Scientific and Moral Case for the Biotech Revolution (Prometheus).
COPYRIGHT 2006 Reason Foundation

Tuesday, September 12, 2006

Thoughts About the Post-9/11 World

America's strategic imperative: a "Manhattan project" for energy

By John M. Amidon

The American presence in the Middle East stretches back to the closing days of World War II, when President Franklin Roosevelt met King Saud aboard a U.S. warship in the Suez Canal. Through the ensuing 30 years, Washington sought to maintain oil access and contain the Soviet Union by cultivating Persian Gulf allies.

The mutually beneficial relationship between the United States and the Middle East oil-producing countries was forever altered by the Yom Kippur War and the subsequent petroleum embargo. The 1973-1974 embargo highlighted the strategic importance of the Middle East and elevated oil access to a core national interest. The end of the Cold War and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism further shifted the security focus from keeping a mutual enemy, Russia, out of the region to fighting much of the war on terror within the region.

Dependence on imported oil, particularly from the Middle East, has become the elephant in the foreign policy living room, an overriding strategic consideration composed of a multitude of issues. In the short term, U.S. options are driven by the imperative to achieve a favorable outcome in Iraq and Afghanistan and on other battlefields of the war on terror, but we must also find a way to extricate ourselves from reliance on the Middle East and other oil-producing countries.

Current energy strategy assumes that this country can meet its oil needs by managing the oil-producing countries diplomatically and militarily. However, this thinking overestimates the available oil supply, ignores growing instability in the oil-producing countries, and understates the military costs of preserving access.

Today's strategy must adopt a more realistic view of the limited available oil and recognize the diplomatic and military costs of obtaining it. If the strategy were to correctly estimate the remaining supply and recognize the cost to the Nation of accessing that oil, it would encourage users to consume less and accelerate development of alternatives.

The United States must embark on a comprehensive plan to achieve energy independence--a type of Manhattan Project for energy--to deploy as many conservation and replacement measures as possible.

Current Energy Policy

In May 2001, the National Energy Policy Development Group published the Administration's National Energy Policy, which states:

Extraordinary advances in technology have transformed energy exploration and production. Yet we produce 39 percent less oil today than we did in 1970, leaving us ever more reliant on foreign suppliers. On our present course, America 20 years from now will import nearly 2 of every 3 barrels of oil--a condition of increased dependency on foreign powers that do not always have America's interests at heart.

The policy calls for enhanced efficiency in existing domestic oilfields and exploiting heretofore environmentally denied areas such as the Alaska National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). Although increasing the domestic fraction of our oil consumption is a worthy goal, achieving a meaningful effect will be difficult, given that domestic production is declining at a rate of 1.5 million barrels per day.

The report also urges improved conservation. A recent analysis indicates that the fuel economy of a typical automobile could be enhanced by 60 percent by increasing engine and transmission efficiency and reducing vehicle mass by about 15 percent. Advanced lightweight materials offer up to 6 percent improvement in mileage for each 10 percent reduction in body weight.

The primary means of increasing automotive economy is through mandated corporate average fuel economy (CAFE) standards. Responsibly crafted CAFE standards should increase efficiency without negatively impacting the U.S. automotive industry. The determination of future fuel economy standards must therefore be addressed analytically and based on sound science.Taken in whole, the National Energy Policy does not offer a compelling solution to the growing danger of foreign oil dependence.

The 2004 Department of Energy budget for all types of renewable energy totaled $1.3 billion, increasing just 0.1 percent from 2002 to 2004, while lagging the entire Department of Energy budget, which increased 5.9 percent. Even if ANWR were fully exploited, proven reserves total about 7.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil, enough to supply the Nation for just over a year. Although the National Energy Policy sets forth a range of conservation and alternative technologies, no meaningful fiscal policy steps have been taken to bring them to the fore.

America's Strategic Imperative

The current world energy situation poses a national threat unparalleled in 225 years. The economy, particularly the transportation component, has become heavily dependent on foreign oil. Concurrent with rising demand are indications that world production may soon peak, followed by permanent decline and shortage. Moreover, most of the remaining oil is concentrated in distant, politically hostile locations, inviting interdiction by enemies.

Over the last 60 years, policymakers have repeatedly applied diplomatic and military triage to the problem of national energy security while generally ignoring the economic prospects for a solution. Today, the Nation is engaged in a global war on terror throughout the same resource-rich area on which the safety of its economy hinges. Economic stagnation or catastrophe lurk close at hand, to be triggered by another embargo, collapse of the Saudi monarchy, or civil disorder in any of a dozen nations.

Barring these events, rising world demand and falling production could place the United States in direct military competition with equally determined nations. It is doubtful that any military, even that of a global hegemon, could secure an oil lifeline indefinitely. Failing to take urgent economic steps now will necessitate more painful economic steps later and likely require protracted military action.

Meeting this dilemma with a technical solution plays on America's greatest strengths, those of the inventor and the innovator. Rapid execution of a two-phase Manhattan Project for energy will provide near-term relief measures while laying the foundation for the long-term establishment of an "Energy Power Shift" economy.

Reduced dependence on imported oil would also allow the Nation to pursue a more pragmatic foreign policy, freed of the necessity to engage in all episodes of Middle East or OPEC history. This strategy denies al Qaeda and its allies a key argument in their war against the United States; reducing the strategic importance of the Middle East will obviate the need for "us" to be "there" and diminish the cultural friction between Muslims and the West.

Absent the plausible charge that the U.S. role in the Middle East is motivated solely by oil, U.S. efforts to nurture democracy, and local perception of those efforts, could result in a new era of good will. Although this problem is daunting, it is not unsolvable; instead, it demands prompt and certain action to ensure an energy-rich and peaceful future.

“When you are drifting down the stream of Niagara, it may easily happen that from time to time you run into a reach of quite smooth water, or that a bend in the river or a change in the wind may make the roar of the falls seem far more distant. But your hazard and your preoccupation are in no way affected thereby.”

--Winston Churchill

This is an excerpt from John Amidon’s paper published in Joint Force Quarterly, in October 2005.

Monday, September 11, 2006

Rememberance - On the 5th Anniversary of 9/11

Terror's next target

By Gal Luft and Anne Korin
Published inThe Journal of International Security Affairs

Terrorist organizations have always been interested in targeting oil and gas facilities. Striking pipelines, tankers, refineries and oil fields accomplishes two desired goals: undermining the internal stability of the regimes they are fighting, and economically weakening foreign powers with vested interests in their region. In the past decade alone, there have been scores of attacks against oil targets primarily in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America.

These attacks have never received much attention and have been treated as part of the ‘industry’s risk.’ However, after the attacks on World Trade Center and the Pentagon, symbols of U.S.' economic and military dominance, terrorist organizations of global reach like al Qaeda have identified the world’s energy system as a major vulnerability and a certain way to deliver a blow to America's oil dependent economy as well as global economy at large.

With attacks against transportation networks, military bases and government installations becoming more difficult to execute due to heightened security, terrorists looking for a big bang might find oil, to quote al Qaeda, the "umbilical cord and lifeline of the crusader community," the object of the next major assault on the west, an assault that could wreak havoc with America’s economy and way of life. Oil supplies 96% of U.S.' transportation energy and is a crucial component in the production and distribution of every commodity from toothpaste to golf balls.

Though the U.S consumes a quarter of the world's oil, it has a mere 3% of global reserves. To satisfy its growing energy needs the U.S. imports over 50% of it oil amounting to 10 million barrels per day (mbd). Over the next 20 years this dependency is projected to grow to nearly 70%. Unfortunately, the world's leading oil producing countries and holders of the lion share of global reserves are either politically unstable and/or, in the words of President George W. Bush, "don't particularly like the U.S."

Two thirds of global oil reserves are located in the world’s most volatile region, where the U.S. is most disliked: the Middle East. This tremendous oil wealth is shared primarily among six Middle Eastern regimes: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, and Libya. The (U.S.) Department of Energy predicts that oil imports from the Middle East to the U.S. will increase from 25% today to about 50% by 2020.

A quarter of the world's oil reserves are controlled by Saudi Arabia, a country considered by many analysts a powder keg waiting to explode. Some try to underestimate the power of the Kingdom, neglecting the fact that the oil market's only significant excess production capacity, an extra 2.5 mbd that can be pumped at the flick of a switch when other suppliers falter -- as was done in early 2003 to compensate for disruption of flow from Nigeria, Venezuela, and Iraq -- is in Saudi Arabia. This makes Saudi Arabia the world's only guarantor of liquidity in the oil market.

But Saudi Arabia's oil system is target rich and extremely vulnerable to terrorist acts. This is not only due to al Qaeda’s strong presence in the kingdom and its ability to carry out coordinated attacks as evidenced by a string of suicide bombings in Riyadh - but also because of the structure of the kingdom’s oil infrastructure. Over half of Saudi Arabia’s oil reserves are contained in just eight fields, among them the world's largest onshore oil field -- Ghawar, which alone accounts for about half of the country's total oil production capacity -- and Safaniya, the world's largest offshore oilfield.

About two-thirds of Saudi Arabia's crude oil is processed in a single enormous facility called Abqaiq, 25 miles inland from the Gulf of Bahrain. On the Persian Gulf, Saudi Arabia has just two primary oil export terminals: Ras Tanura - the world's largest offshore oil loading facility, through which a tenth of global oil supply flows daily - and Ras al-Ju'aymah. On the Red Sea, a terminal called Yanbu is connected to Abqaiq via the 750-mile East–West pipeline.

A terrorist attack on each one of these hubs of the Saudi oil complex or a simultaneous attack on few of them is not a fictional scenario. A single terrorist cell hijacking an airplane in Kuwait or Dubai and crashing it into Abqaiq or Ras Tanura, could turn the complex into an inferno. This could take up to 50% of Saudi oil off the market for at least six months and with it most of the world’s spare capacity, sending oil prices through the ceiling. "Such an attack would be more economically damaging than a dirty nuclear bomb set off in midtown Manhattan or across from the White House in Lafayette Square," wrote former CIA Middle East field officer Robert Baer. This "would be enough to bring the world's oil-addicted economies to their knees, America's along with them."

Saudi Arabia is not the only major oil producer vulnerable to terror. Many non-Middle Eastern oil producers, primarily in Africa, the former Soviet Union and south Asia, face the threat of Islamist terrorists. Nigeria, half of which is under Islamic Sharia law, is home to the largest part of Africa's oil reserves, and is the fifth largest oil supplier to the U.S.: It was labeled by the Washington Post last year "The Next Hotbed of Islamic Radicalism." Osama bin Laden is known to have sent emissaries to Nigeria in an effort to unite Islamic groups under the umbrella of al Qaeda. U.S. ambassador to Nigeria Howard Jeter warned recently that Nigeria faces real threat of al Qaeda attack because of its close ties with Washington. And indeed, al Jazeera television aired a message allegedly from bin Laden listing Nigeria as one of six countries which needed to be "liberated" from America's "enslavement."

The former Soviet states where more than 10 percent of global oil reserves are concentrated, also face increasing threat of Islamist terror from groups operating in Central Asia and in the Caucasus among them the Islamic Party of Eastern Turkestan, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU), and Chechen and Uighur separatists. Perhaps the most dangerous group is Hizb ut-Tahrir al-Islami -- the Islamic Party of Liberation — a 5,000-10,000 strong group operating in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and in the oil-rich Kazakhstan. Hizb seeks to seize power and supplant existing governments with a Sharia-based Caliphate which will carry on jihad against the West. The head of the Kazakh National Security Committee Nartai Dutbayev said that the Hizb has recently increased its clandestine activities in Kazakhstan and poses "a real threat to Kazakhstan's security."

Southeast Asia, the world's fastest growing energy consuming region, is becoming another target for terrorist. In fact, bin Laden's point man in Asia and the leader of the Indonesian terror group Jema'ah Islamiyah, recently arrested Riduan Isamuddin, also known as Hambali, initiated the bombing of the nightclub in Bali in which 200 were killed. Hambali is also known to have plotted to bomb oil depots in the Philippines and is suspected of planning attacks on U.S. oil companies sia. In all of these places Islamic terrorist groups have identified oil as a major vulnerability and oil terrorism as an effective way to weaken the regimes they oppose.

Another reason terrorists groups tend to focus on oil is that oil targets are ‘soft’ and hardly defensible, therefore relatively easy to hit. Oil targets are so vulnerable that in the past two years, despite intensive counter-terror measures, oil terrorism has almost become a matter of routine. In May 2002, a cell-phone detonated explosive device was attached to a tanker-truck's underside in Israel's central fuel and gas depot north of Tel Aviv. Though the truck caught fire while loading, the fuel was fortunately slow to ignite and the flames did not spread to the fuel drums. Had the attack succeed, a catastrophe of disastrous proportions would most likely have triggered a harsh Israeli response that would have, in turn, changed the landscape of the Middle East. The same summer, a group of Saudis was arrested for involvement in a plot to sabotage Ras Tanura and pipelines connected to it.

A slew of other attacks have either taken place or been thwarted in many countries including India, Nigeria, Colombia, Iraq, Pakistan, Russia and Philippines. There is growing evidence that terrorists find the unpoliced sea to be their preferred domain of operation. Today, over 60% of the world's oil is shipped on 3,500 tankers through a small number of 'chokepoints' – straits and channels narrow enough to be blocked, and vulnerable to piracy and terrorism. The most important chokepoints are the Strait of Hormuz, through which 13 million barrels of oil are moved daily, Bab el-Mandab, which connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, and the Strait of Malacca, between Indonesia and Malaysia. Thirty percent of the world's trade and 80% of Japan's crude oil passes through the latter, including half of all sea shipments of oil bound for East Asia and two-thirds of global liquefied natural gas shipments.

Most of those critical chokepoints are located in areas where Islamic fundamentalism is prevalent. The Strait of Hormuz and its three tiny islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb Island and Lesser Tunb Island are controlled by Iran; Bab el-Mandab is controlled by Yemen, the ancestral home of bin Laden. Part of the 500-mile long Strait of Malacca courses through Indonesia's oil rich province Aceh, inhabited by one of the world’s most radical Muslim populations. Many terror experts have expressed concern that al Qaeda might seize a ship or a boat or even a one-man submarine and crash it into a supertanker in one of the chokepoints. Were terrorists to attack such a vessel the resulting explosion and spreading stain of burning oil could shut down the channel for weeks, with a profound impact on global markets and the maritime insurance industry.

Tankers are too slow and cumbersome to maneuver away from attackers; they have no protection and they have nowhere to hide. al Qaeda terrorists have demonstrated repeatedly their intent and ability to strike them. In January 2000 al Qaeda attempted to ram a boat loaded with explosives into the USS The Sullivans in Yemen. The attack was aborted when the boat sank under the weight of the explosives. Later, in October, al Qaeda suicide bomber in high-powered speedboat packed with explosives blew a hole in the USS Cole, killing 17 sailors.

In June 2002, a group of al Qaeda operatives suspected of plotting raids on British and American tankers passing through the Strait of Gibraltar was arrested by the Moroccan government; and in October that year, the organization badly holed a French supertanker off the coast of Yemen. A statement following this attack warned that it "was not an incidental strike at a passing tanker but...on the international oil-carrying line in the full sense of the word." According to FBI Director Robert Mueller "any number of [terror] attacks on ships…have been thwarted."

To make things worse, there is an increasing signs of collaboration between terrorism and piracy. According to International Maritime Bureau (IMB), pirate attacks on ships have tripled in the last decade. Each year 350-400 piracy attacks take place worldwide. The majority of the attacks take place in the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Nigeria. The waters off Somalia, a collapsed state and a sanctuary for terrorists, are among the most dangerous in the world. The IMB reported "The risk of attack to vessels staying close to the coastline from Somali armed militias has now increased from one of possibility to certainty."

Maritime security experts have repeatedly warned about the collusion between piracy and terror, voicing concerns that Islamist groups operating in these regions could capitalize on the disorder and target strategic chokepoints by placing a bomb on a supertanker or ramming a ship into one. This concern is not unfounded. Most pirates have no ideological tilt. They are petty criminals who would do almost anything for a handful of dollars. Those who create anarchy at sea in so many parts of the globe are the most likely to befriend the successors of Mohammad Atta and lend their hand on the next mega terror assault against the west.

Pipelines, through which about 40% of world's oil flows, are another Achilles heel. They run over thousands of miles and across some of the most volatile areas in the world. In Saudi Arabia alone there are 10,000 miles of pipeline, in Iraq 4,000, much of it above ground and easily sabotaged. A simple explosive device can puncture a pipeline and render it non-operational. Due to their length, pipelines are very difficult to protect adn thus attractive terrorist targets. Beyond the thwarted attack on the Ras Tanura pipeline, there have been numerous pipeline attacks in Nigeria, Colombia and Pakistan. In Iraq, acts of sabotage against pipelines have become the biggest obstacle in bringing Iraqi oil back online.

Pipelines in the U.S. are also vulnerable. The only route to deliver oil from Alaska is the 800-mile-long Trans-Alaska Pipeline System (TAPS). In recent years the pipeline has been sabotaged, bombed twice and shot at more than 50 times. TAPS is not only within terrorists reach but also impossible to repair in the winter. As former CIA Director James Woolsey and energy expert Amory Lovins wrote "If key pumping stations or facilities at either end were disabled, at least the above-ground half of 9 million barrels of hot oil could congeal in one winter week into the world's biggest Chapstik."

An attack on major oil installation, a chokepoint or a pipeline hub would be detrimental to America’s economy and likely to affect every aspect of our lives. During the 1973 Arab Oil Embargo, despite the fact that only 28% of U.S. oil was imported, the effect on the U.S. economy was profound. Oil price quadrupled in a matter of weeks; unemployment doubled due to the loss of 500,000 jobs; and the national product declined 6 percent. Today, with more than half of U.S. oil imported, if a chunk of global oil production is disabled, the consequences could be even more severe. While unlike in 1973, the U.S. has today a Strategic Petroleum Reserve, a stockpile created to cover for lost oil for a time, but this amount would only suffice for two months of disruption, hardly enough to offset the loss in case a mega attack takes place.

Many believe today that the U.S. can insulate itself from price spikes and supply disruptions by simply reducing its oil imports from the Middle East. This assumption is misplaced. Since oil is a fungible commodity and its prices and supply levels are determined in the international markets, the U.S. would be adversely affected by oil terrorism even if it does not import a drop of oil from the region. Nor can it remain untouched by the consequences of major disruptions on other economies with which it trades.

To deal with the risks our energy system is facing, the U.S. should assist oil-producing countries to improve security in their main oil installations, to monitor the people who operate them and to employ preventive measures designed to minimize damage in case an attack succeeds. Most importantly, the U.S. should continue to pursue terrorists and disrupt their plans with the greatest vigor.

But the war on terror is a long-term effort and might take many years to win. Throughout the world, major energy consumers and producers are involved in projects designed to ensure safe passage of oil through the chokepoints and at the same time reducing overall demand for oil. China, the world’s fastest growing energy consumer, is currently pursuing an ambitious project to bypass the Strait of Malacca by building a Panama Canal-style passage through Thailand's narrow-necked Kra isthmus. Also in process is a pipeline from the Israeli port of Ashkelon on the Mediterranean coast through which Russian oil from the Black Sea would flow to Eilat on the Red Sea, be loaded onto tankers and shipped to Asia. The route provides a much shorter link between the Mediterranean and Asia, sparing Asian nations the need to transport oil through the dangerous waters of the Persian Gulf.

Without question, the most fundamental way to improve energy security would be through gradually reducing world demand for oil by shifting to next-generation transportation fuels. While the major energy consuming countries lack oil, most are rich in other energy resources. Coal - held in abundance by the U.S., China, and India, among others - can be used to cleanly and cheaply produce methanol (a hydrogen rich fuel used by the Indy 500 and other race tracks because it is less flammable than gasoline.) Energy rich agricultural waste can be used to produce ethanol, municipal waste can be used to produce (U.S.) Department of Energy approved synthetic fuel. Electricity produced from nuclear, wind, solar, hydropower and clean coal technologies can move vehicles with similar performance and less pollution.

Such a transition is no pipedream. Millions of flexible fuel vehicles on the road today can run on the first three fuels mentioned. Rechargeable electric vehicles with auxiliary fuel tanks (to overcome the range limit issues of pure electric vehicles) are already in the making. Infrastructure issues can be circumvented and hurdles to getting fuel cell vehicles on the road diminished by focusing on practical solutions as opposed to ideal ones and delivering cheap to produce hydrogen rich liquid fuels such as methanol and ethanol to fueling stations rather than tangling with pure hydrogen.

Such a shift will not only increase energy independence for America and the free world but will also minimize the need to transport oil across the globe and thus reduce our vulnerability to an energy Pearl Harbor.

Gal Luft is executive director of the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security (IAGS). Anne Korin is director of policy and strategic planning at IAGS and editor of Energy Security Biweekly.